Since 2012/13, Australian taxpayers have paid a total of 43.28% more than what was initially agreed to for reported Commonwealth procurements. Read More
Opaque big four contracts increase 1276%
The increased outsourcing of policy work to private contractors who are not directly accountable, financially back both parties and may present conflict of interest challenges raises questions of integrity and public value-for-money. Read More
Submission: Review of aspects of the Electoral Act 2002 (Vic)
We consider that the exclusion from the donations disclosure and cap regime of affiliation fees, subscription fees, fundraising attendance fees and payments from a nominated entity to its party operate to substantially benefit the major parties. This is inequitable and should be remedied. Read More
2022 Election: Big money still calling the shots
Analysis by the Centre for Public Integrity has revealed a substantial increase in the power of large donors over the last 15 years Read More
Delay and decay: Australia’s Freedom of Information crisis
Australia’s FOI regime continues to be undermined. Statutory standards are routinely disobeyed, statutory exceptions are abused and the system is plagued by chronic under-resourcing. Our analysis has found that: Read More
Booming business for Big Four comes at a high cost
The Big Four consistently financially support both of Australia’s major political parties, though they prefer to donate to presumptive winners. The last ten years have seen a ballooning in Commonwealth contracts going to these firms to perform work previously done by the APS, and an increasingly active revolving door between these firms and the prominent positions in government and party administration. Read More
Closing the revolving door
For too long the Commonwealth’s lax regulation of lobbying has allowed a revolving door of former government representatives to wield their disproportionate influence on behalf of monied interests. Read More
Shrouded in Secrecy
Establishing an Independent Transparency Monitor to promote access to information provides a disincentive to secrecy (and therefore enhances transparency) Read More
Statement by former NSW ICAC Chief Commissioner the Hon Peter Hall KC on pork barrelling 17th March 2023
… existing legal mechanisms that are intended to protect the public interest have failed to prevent the occurrence of pork barrelling Read More
Transparent and Quality Public Appointments Bill 2023 (Cth)
Ending Jobs for Mates needs to be a priority for this Government. For too long appointments to highly paid and powerful positions have relied upon who someone knows rather than suitability for the role. Read More
Hidden donations funded the federal election
Recently-released data from the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) for the 2021/22 financial year reveal that $91,320,294 – or 22.74% – of political parties’ declared income over the period is of unexplained origin (‘hidden money’). This brings the total hidden money identified over the period 1998/99 – 20221/22 to $1.53 billion. Read More
A few loud voices
Australian political parties rely considerably on private donations to fund both their routine activities and meet the rising cost of electioneering, but not all donations are made equal. Some individual donations are just a few gold coins, whereas some large institutional donations extend well into the millions. While the former are a sign of healthy democratic engagement, the latter may expose our elected officials to an undue and disproportionate influence from a few loud voices, and thus threaten the integrity and quality of governmental decision making. Read More
Whistleblower protection: Centre for Public Integrity Submission
Our submission is concerned solely with one priority reform not addressed by the Bill in its current form: the need for an independent whistleblower protection authority. As our submission sets out, this is a vital reform that, in our view, should be part of any Bill seeking to deliver priority reforms to the PID Act.
Read More
Comparing the federal anti-corruption proposals with the existing states/territory model
Across Australia there are different models for anti-corruption bodies. At a state/territory level these bodies are operational. Federally there are a variety of proposals. In this paper we compare the differences in jurisdiction, procedure, reporting and referrals. Read More
Achieving Integrity in Victoria
The Centre for Public Integrity has determined a FIVE step roadmap to improve integrity in Victoria. Read More
A Farewell to Arms Part 2: Designing an effective Commonwealth expenditure cap regime
There are no limits on candidate, party, or third-party expenditure for Commonwealth elections. Expenditure caps make elections more fair, competitive, and open; they also direct our elected representatives’ focus to their constituencies and portfolios rather than to raise funds from donors with ulterior motives. Caps on third-party electoral expenditure, when designed appropriately, are an important way of preventing the undue and inordinate influence of monied interests on discourse and, ultimately, on public policy. Read More
A Farewell to Arms Part 1: The case for Commonwealth expenditure caps
Analysis of total payments disclosed by parties to the Australian Electoral Commission, with adjustments made for routine expenses and inflation, show that election year spending by Australian political parties increased 144% from approximately $124 million in 1998-99 to $302 million in 2018-19 Read More
The National Anti-Corruption Commission Bill 2022: essential amendments
While the National Anti-Corruption Commission Bill 2022 (the Bill) proposes a laudable broad definition of corrupt conduct, it does not propose to capture corrupt conduct by third parties where there is no wrongdoing by a relevant public official. This is a significant deficiency of the legislation; Read More
Public hearings: Busting the myth of undue reputational damage
The power to hold public hearings when it is in the public interest to do so is indispensable to the work of an effective integrity commission. Indeed, all states and territories – with the exception of Victoria and South Australia – have acknowledged the importance of this power by conferring it upon their commissions. In spite of this, the recently tabled National Anti-Corruption Commission Bill 2022 (Cth) (‘NACC Bill’) proposes that public hearings should only be able to be held after an additional ‘exceptional circumstances’ threshold is met. Read More
Submission to the Joint Standing Committee Inquiry into the 2022 federal election
The Commonwealth’s political donations laws are the least stringent in the federation. Commonwealth electors have a right to know from whom donations are coming and how large they are. Donations laws should also be amended to limit the amount that can be donated to minimise the prospect of corruption. Read More
The National Anti-Corruption Commission Bill 2022 – Will Australia finally get a fit for purpose national integrity commission?
Is the NACC fit for purpose? Does it address the public need for retrospectivity, independence of funding, the autonomy of decision-making, and public hearings for the public good? Read More
Delay and Decay: Australia’s Freedom of Information Crisis
Australia’s FOI regime continues to be undermined in practice by inordinate delay, under resourcing and the
abuse of statutory exceptions. In light of these problems, the Centre for Public Integrity
recommends: Read More
Sharpening the watchdog’s teeth – How to strengthen the Victorian IBAC
In order to ensure that the Victorian IBAC has the powers it needs to fulfil its statutory mandate, the Centre for Public Integrity recommends that: Read More
Public Appointments Framework
Stacking boards, gifting jobs to political allies, stacking the AAT can all be halted if the Government introduces an independent, merit based process. Read More
Public hearings shine light on corruption – Sunlight is the best disinfectant
Public hearings expose corruption to the public and make investigations more effective. They have been critical to recent Victorian IBAC and NSW ICAC investigations. Read More
Seal the barrel: a new robust system for the administration of government grants
Since its establishment in 2018, the Morrison Government has awarded at least $55 billion of public money under Commonwealth grants programs. Read More
How to level the playing field
With electoral expenditure caps, limiting the incumbency benefit and supporting new candidates we can level the political playing field Read More
Scrutiny shortcomings: Victoria
Our research indicates that the ability of the Victorian Parliament to provide scrutiny is circumscribed by a number of factors. Read More
Integrity inadequacies: Victoria
The strength of the frameworks in place to promote public integrity. This paper identifies the inadequacies of Victoria’s framework. Read More
Katter’s Australian Party Donations Analysis – 1998/9-2019/20
Katter’s Australian party has been a strong member of the cross bench for a long time. In this research, we look at who has donated to the party by sector and individual. Read More
Centre Alliance (formerly Nick Xenophon Team) Donations Analysis – 1998/9-2019/20
The Centre Alliance (formerly Nick Xenophon Team) has been a strong member of the cross bench since entering parliament. In this research, we look at who has donated to the party by sector and individual. Read More
Jacqui Lambie Network Donations Analysis – 1998/9-2019/20
Jacqui Lambie and her political party has been a force to be reckoned with since entering parliament. In this research, we look at who has donated to the party by sector and individual. Read More
Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party Donations Analysis – 1998/9-2019/20
Pauline Hanson and her political party has exerted much influence in Australian politics via her political parties. In this research, we look at who has donated to the party by sector and individual. Read More
United Australia Party (formerly Palmer United Party) Donations Analysis – 1998/9-2019/20
Clive Palmer has exerted a lot of influence in the last ten years of Australian politics via his various political parties. In this research, we look at who has donated to the party by sector and individual. Read More
Greens Party Donations Analysis – 1998/9-2019/20
In this paper, we analyse how much money the Greens have received in donations since 1998/99 and look at the industries/individuals that donate to it. Read More
Labor Party Donations Analysis – 1998/9-2019/20
The Labor Party is one of the two largest political parties in Australia. In this paper, we analyse how much money it has received in donations since 1998/99 and look at the industries/individuals that donate. Read More
Coalition Donations Analysis – 1998/9-2019/20
The Coalition is one of the two dominant forces in Australian politics. In this paper, we analyse how much money it has received in donations since 1998/99 and look at the industries/individuals that donate to it. Read More
Who pays the piper – donations to Australian political parties
Political parties are increasingly relying on donations to fund their elections. In this paper analyse the people and sectors that make these donations. Read More
Where do political parties get their money?
Where do Australian political parties get their money? How much money does the Coalition receive from fossil fuel companies? How much money does Labor receive from unions? Why do individuals so heavily dominate the Greens’ donations? Read More
Designing the National Integrity Commission
The essential elements of an a fit-for-purpose Commission include; a broad jurisdiction; strong investigative powers; the ability to hold public hearings and report publicly; guaranteed independence; and appropriate oversight Read More
Hidden Money: Shining light on political finance for the next federal election
Our analysis of AEC data shows $68,265,479 – or 38.6% – of political parties’ declared income in 2020/1 is of unexplained origin Read More
Blueprint to rein in money in politics
The Commonwealth has the weakest donation laws in the country. Disclosure is limited. Last financial year the source of over $68.27 million in party income was hidden from public view. Read More
The Public Health and Wellbeing Amendment (Pandemic Management) Bill 2021 (Vic)
The Victorian pandemic laws offer an opportunity to improve transparency and accountability in times of crisis. For that to occur however… Read More
A Design Framework for the establishment of a strong and effective National Integrity Commission
Our design framework for a National Integrity Commission has been developed by former judges, integrity experts and academics from across Australia. Read More
Australia’s Weakest Watchdog
Our analysis of the nation’s integrity commissions concludes that the strongest and most effective ones share the following powers: Read More
SA ICAC – Watchdog to Lapdog?
If unremedied, this legislation risks having a chilling effect on the ability of the relevant authorities to pursue issues of corruption in SA Read More
Online Parliamentary Voting
The limited ability for MPs to participate in Parliament online is putting our Parliamentary democracy at risk, according to former judges and accountability experts. Read More
Scrutinizing grant administration: key reforms
100% of ANAO audits into grant administration since 2019 have found flaws. Our research suggests the following reforms are required. Read More
Code of Conduct
An independently enforceable code of conduct for parliamentarians has been recommended as far back as 1975. It is as relevant today as it was then. Read More
Victoria’s new executive emergency powers must be accountable
Scrutiny of the Government response to COVID-19 – and indeed, future emergency situations – should be strengthened by limiting the use of regulations and legislative instruments, increasing the role of Parliament and primary legislation, and not exempting Directions from disallowance and Committee scrutiny. Read More